How does the Parliament determine and influence the making of India’s foreign policy?

How does the Parliament determine and influence the making of India’s foreign policy? (2015, 10 Marks)

Foreign affairs are a Union subject, and Parliament alone may legislate on them (Article 246, Entries 10–21 of the Union List). Yet no statute regulates treaty-making, so under Article 73 the executive conducts foreign policy by default: it can sign and ratify treaties and use force without a parliamentary vote. Parliament therefore determines little directly but influences a great deal, a pattern visible since Jawaharlal Nehru’s time.

Where Parliament determines policy

  • Legislation: under Article 253 it turns treaties into domestic law, for example the WMD Act (2005) implementing UNSC Resolution 1540. It also rewrote the nuclear deal’s terms through the supplier-liability clause of the 2010 civil liability law, a clause the SHANTI Act of December 2025 removed after passing both Houses within days; scrutiny has since shifted to a pending writ challenge.
  • Constitutional amendment: after the Berubari opinion (1960), ceding territory needs an amendment. The Land Boundary Agreement with Bangladesh took effect only after the unanimous 100th Amendment (2015).
  • Budget: the MEA’s and defence Demands for Grants must be voted.

Where it influences

  • Questions, motions and debates extract information, record official positions and let the opposition expose errors. The 2025 monsoon session held a sixteen-hour debate on Pahalgam and Operation Sindoor.
  • Committees: the Standing Committee on External Affairs scrutinises the MEA; its Twelfth Report (2026–27 grants) noted the MEA’s share of just 0.41% of the Union Budget, sought a 20% increase and urged a published foreign-policy document. The Consultative Committee offers informal briefings.
  • Setting outer limits: parliamentary opinion foreclosed concessions in the 1962–63 Kashmir talks, and the unanimous 1994 resolution on Jammu and Kashmir binds every government.
  • Coalition arithmetic: the Left withdrew support over the US nuclear deal, forcing a confidence vote on 22 July 2008.
  • Legitimacy: a cross-party position strengthens negotiators abroad, as Robert D. Putnam’s two-level game predicts.

Limits

  • No consent requirement: no treaty ratification, no war-powers vote, no confirmation of envoys and no intelligence oversight; the states, too, have no formal say.
  • Retrospective: most debates come after the event, and committee reports are only recommendatory.
  • Majority rule: cut motions fail wherever the government commands a majority, so budgetary control is largely formal.
  • Thin capacity: falling sittings and no independent research service leave members dependent on the executive.

Conclusion

Parliament’s leverage depends on the party system rather than the Constitution: strong in coalitions, slight under majorities. Its role as a forum of public debate is nevertheless growing with India’s global profile. As trade agreements reach deeper into domestic regulation, a treaty-scrutiny committee on the British laying model would align procedure with India’s democratic credentials.